Mexico

Juan Camilo Mourino, Mexican Interior Minister, has been killed in a plane crash in Mexico City. Mourino was not only the second most important politician in the country, but also a close ally and advisor of President Felipe Calderon. Jose Luis Santiago Vasconcelos, a former high-ranking official at the Unit of Special Investigations on Organized Crime (SIEDO), was also killed in the accident, along with five other persons.  The causes of the accident are being investigated.

“No Queremos Olimpiadas, Queremos Revolucion!” claimed thousands of Mexican students in response to the repressive activities of a government that was about to host the 1968 Olympic Games in Mexico City. Many of those students would end up in prison or in the list of the more than 1,500 disappeared individuals during the “Dirty War” of the 1960s and 1970s. A yet unknown number of students and bystanders were murdered by government forces on October 2 1968, when thousands of protesters gathered in Tlatelolco Plaza in the heart of Mexico City.

40 years after the Tlatelolco massacre, the officials in charge of the infamous activities of government forces during 1968 have not been held responsible. Gustavo Diaz Ordaz, President of Mexico from 1964 to 1970 died in 1979. His minister of the interior and President of Mexico between 1970 and 1976, Luis Echeverria Alvarez, is not only a free man but has just contributed to a new book on his experiences as a high ranking official during those turbulent years.

Although the atrocities in Mexico are not of the same magnitude as in Chile or Argentina, it is remarkable that some sectors of Mexican society have not forgotten about the period. The memory of the events has been well kept by students at public universities, as well as by particular individuals like Rosario Ibarra, whose son disappeared during those years. Mrs. Ibarra ran for President in 1988 and is now a Senator.

Democratic transition is not always followed by democratic consolidation. Consolidation requires of a number of conditions, such as a solution to crimes committed by the forces that opposed or promoted political change. So far that has not occurred in Mexico.

Tomorrow is Mexico’s Independence Day. The usual events will include the President’s “Shout of Independence” on the 15th of September, and a military parade on the 16th in Mexico City’s main plaza. Across the planet, Mexican Embassies and Consulates will organize a series of events featuring Mexican artists or artists making a reference to Mexico in one way or another.  In New York City, the Mexican Consulate will present Lila Downs as well as a performance by the Mariachi Academy of New York.

Last year, the children of President Felipe Calderon (who will be visiting New York City for the opening session of the United Nations General Assembly) wore military uniforms for the Independence Day parade. This selection of clothes provoked outrage and a series of discussions on the current role of the armed forces in the country. The debate still continues, as the country is currently facing some of the most violent times in recent history.

However, Independence Day reminds most Mexicans that the country has survived even worse times and that there is always opportunity for improvement. Hopefully, these good wishes will last longer than a night.

 It appears Mexicans have a propensity for sandwich making: just a few weeks ago, bakers in Mexico City created the largest sandwich in Latin America, weighing a staggering 600 kg (1,320 lbs) and reaching 44 meters long.  This sandwich beat a similar sandwich made for last year’s torta fair, that was one meter shorter.  However, Mexico City set the world record for sandwich making in 2004 with a whopping 3,178 kg sandwich!

Today Mexico’s Supreme court upheld an April 2008 Mexico City decision to decriminalize abortion, thus permitting women to have an abortion in Mexico City during the first twelve weeks of pregnancy without the penalty of jail time.  The court ruling is highly controversial, and saw 8 justices in favor and 3 against.  Until very recently, abortions punished all parties involved with jail time. The court decision now opens the possibility of other states outside the Federal District to enact similar reforms.

After the high-profile kidnapping and brutal murder of a 14-year-old Mexico City boy in June raised outrage among Mexicans, the federal government recently decided to form an anti-kidnapping squad.  Since the police were implicated in the aforementioned kidnapping, the authorities are taking special measures to ensure cooperation between levels of the government.  To that end, an anti-kidnapping pact would set expectations and operating procedures between state and federal governments, businesspeople, and civil society.  There are five planned 24-hour centers, with 300 officers in total. As public sentiment against lawlessness increases, major protests are scheduled for August 30.

On August 7th, Mexican President Felipe Calderón announced that he will propose a new bill to Congress that includes the implementation of life imprisonment for kidnappers. The proposal is a result of a new wave of kidnappings that has shocked Mexican society in the last few weeks. In the most recent case, a 14 year old boy was kidnapped and murdered by a group of highly organized and violent criminals. It is believed that some of these criminals may have connections to police forces in Mexico City.

Although the potential bill has been well received in several circles in Mexico, it has also faced criticism across the country. In the first place, it breaks with legal tradition in Mexico, as the country has always been opposed to life imprisonment. Just a few days ago, the Mexican government officially protested the execution of a Mexican national that participated in the murder of two teenage girls. The Mexican government seems to believe that life imprisonment would be appropriate in Mexico, but the death sentence would be inappropriate in the state of Texas.

This brings us to the issue of effective law enforcement. The Mexican legal system is known for its corruption and lack of effectiveness. If members of the police forces are somehow participating in the kidnappings, there is no guarantee that other police members will not interfere with an investigation that might lead to a life sentence. In other words, it would probably be inappropriate to implement life imprisonment if the law enforcement agencies are not prepared to objectively and professionally investigate crimes.

Proposing and passing a bill in Congress does not take much time. Reforming the law enforcement agencies is a project that has been underway for decades and the Mexican society has not witnessed any encouraging results. The evidence indicates that the Mexican government cannot really handle the “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” state of nature that seems to be present—or at least reported—in the country.  This is unfortunate for citizens that pay their taxes in order to receive the basic service of security.

Today, the Mayor of Mexico City and the Local Assembly have organized an unofficial referendum on oil reform. The referendum opens a new chapter on the impact of democracy on strategic public policy. Indeed, the referendum—a democratic institution—has the potential to stop or dramatically alter the progress made during the open debate—another democratic institution—over oil reform that took place during the last two months.

The debate over oil reform is the central part of an agreement between Mexico’s main political forces that took place in early May 2008. According to the agreement, the Senate would organize a series of debates over different aspects of the oil industry in Mexico. More than a hundred and fifty intellectuals, high-ranking officials, members of congress, and scientists, among other leaders of Mexican society, discussed potential solutions to the many problems of the aging Mexican oil industry. The series of debates ended in July 22nd.

The debate has proven to be a fantastic exercise on democratic principles. Indeed, the debate brought together opposing political forces, ideas, and positions in a forum of tranquility and democratic discussion. In spite of this, another democratic device, that is, a referendum, could threaten the progress made in the debate.

The government of Mexico City has organized a referendum on the involvement of private companies in the oil industry and the approval of the initiatives produced during the debates. Depending on the votes, this could seriously halt the initiatives that the oil industry requires to survive in the following decades (high oil prices are not a sufficient condition for the long-term success of the industry). Although the results of the vote are not binding, the political tide generated by them might put pressure on the implementation and structure of the initiatives presented by the debaters.

However, the referendum might have the opposite effect. If voters decide that they support foreign involvement in the Mexican oil industry, and that they approve the initiatives produced during the debate; then the industry might experience changes in a short period of time. This is unlikely to happen (although voters can sometimes give some surprises). Indeed, the perceived role of the industry on national sovereignty, the rhetoric of the opposition forces, the conservatism of the ruling coalition, and the particular phrasing of the questions in the referendum, are not likely to produce support towards progressive oil reform.